August 5, 2009

  • Obama’s “Health Care Reform”: A “Glide Path” to Disaster

    August 5, 2009

           A Glide Path to Disaster
           The Incredible, Shrinking Health Care Plan
           By NORMAN SOLOMON

    Like soap in a rainstorm, “healthcare reform” is wasting away.

    As this week began, a leading follower of conventional wisdom,
    journalist Cokie Roberts, told NPR listeners: “This is evolving
    legislation. And the administration is now talking about a glide path
    towards universal coverage, rather than immediate universal coverage.”

    Notions of universal healthcare are fading in the power centers of
    politics — while more and more attention focuses on the care and
    feeding of the insurance industry.

    Consider a new message that just went out from Organizing for America,
    a project of the Democratic National Committee, which inherited the
    Obama campaign’s 13-million email list. The short letter includes the
    same phrase seven times: “health insurance reform.”

    The difference between the promise of healthcare for everyone and the
    new mantra of health insurance reform is akin to what Mark Twain once
    described as “the difference between lightning and a lightning bug.”

    The “health insurance reform” now being spun as “a glide path towards
    universal coverage” is apt to reinforce the huge power of the
    insurance, pharmaceutical and hospital industries in the United States.

    President Obama says that he wants “things like preventing insurers
    from dropping people because of pre-existing conditions.” Those are not
    fighting words for the present-day insurance industry. Behind the
    scenes, massive deals are taking shape.

    The president of America’s Health Insurance Plans, Karen Ignagni,
    “noted that the industry had endorsed many of the administration’s
    proposed changes, including ending the practice of refusing coverage
    for pre-existing conditions,” the New York Times reported on August 3.
    A couple of days later, in a profile of Ignagni, the newspaper added:
    “Rather than being cut out of the conversation, her strategy has been
    to push for changes her members can live with, in hopes of fending off
    too much government interference.”

    This year, no more significant news article on healthcare politics has
    appeared than the August 4 story in the Los Angeles Times under the
    headline “Obama Gives Powerful Drug Lobby a Seat at Healthcare Table.”

    It’s enough to make you weep, or gnash your teeth with anger, or worry
    about the consequences for your loved ones — or the loved ones of
    people you’ll never meet.

    During his campaign last year, Obama criticized big pharmaceutical
    firms for blocking efforts to allow Medicare to negotiate for lower
    drug prices. But since the election, the LA Times reports, “the
    industry’s chief lobbyist” — former Congressman Billy Tauzin — “has
    morphed into the president’s partner. He has been invited to the White
    House half a dozen times in recent months. There, he says, he
    eventually secured an agreement that the administration wouldn’t try to
    overturn the very Medicare drug policy that Obama had criticized on the
    campaign trail.”

    The story gets worse. For instance, “Tauzin said he had not only
    received the White House pledge to forswear Medicare drug price
    bargaining, but also a separate promise not to pursue another proposal
    Obama supported during the campaign: importing cheaper drugs from
    Canada or Europe.”

    Meanwhile, with a “mandate” herd of cash cows on the national horizon,
    the health insurance industry is licking its chops. The corporate glee
    is ill-disguised as the Obama administration pushes for legal mandates
    to require that Americans buy health insurance — no matter how dismal
    the quality of the coverage or how unaffordable the “affordable”
    premiums turn out to be for real people in the real world.

    The mandates would involve “diverting additional billions to private
    insurers by requiring middle class Americans to purchase defective
    policies from these firms — policies with so many gaps and loopholes
    that they currently leave millions of our insured patients vulnerable
    to financial ruin,” says a letter signed by more than 3,500 doctors and
    released last week by Physicians for a National Health Program.

    Days ago, a New York Times headline proclaimed an emerging “consensus”
    and “common ground” on Capitol Hill. In passing, the article mentioned
    that lawmakers “agree on the need to provide federal subsidies to help
    make insurance affordable for people with modest incomes. For poor
    people, Medicaid eligibility would be expanded.”

    It’s a scenario that amounts to expansion of healthcare ghettos
    nationwide. Medicaid’s reimbursement rates for medical providers are so
    paltry that “Medicaid patient” is often a synonym for someone who can’t
    find a doctor willing to help.

    But what about “the public plan” — enabling the government to offer
    health insurance that would be an alternative to the wares of
    for-profit insurance firms? “Under pressure from industry and their
    lobbyists, the public plan has been watered down to a small and
    ineffectual option at best, if it ever survives to being enacted,” says
    John Geyman, professor emeritus of family medicine at the University of
    Washington.

    A public plan option “would do little to mitigate the damage of a
    reform that perpetuates private insurers’ dominant role,” according to
    the letter from 3,500 physicians. “Even a robust public option would
    forego 90 percent of the bureaucratic savings achievable under single
    payer. And a kinder, gentler public option would quickly fail in a
    healthcare marketplace where competition involves a race to the bottom,
    not the top, where insurers compete by not paying for care.”

    While the healthcare policy outcomes are looking grim, the supposed
    political imperatives are fueling the desires of Democratic leaders on
    Capitol Hill to produce a victory that President Obama can tout as
    healthcare reform. Consider this quote from “a prominent Democrat” in
    the August 10 edition of Time magazine: “Something called health-reform
    legislation will pass. The political consequences of not passing
    anything would be too great.”

    The likely result is a glide path to disaster.

    Norman Solomon is the author of Made Love, Got War.

July 25, 2009

  • The story of my shitty fucking life

    It never, never, never fails.  My old rusty truck, with no working seat belt and plywood where the floorboards used to be and 10 mpg in the city, is a 1983.

    Ah, well….I couldn’t afford the insurance on a new vehicle anyway.

    I don’t qualify for food stamps because my income is something like $15.00 a month too high.  I pay taxes on my disability pension, but I didn’t get the “stimulus” check this year because I don’t work.  When I reach 65 I qualify for neither Social Security nor Medicare.

    Fuck.  Fuck this shithole we call the United States of America.  Fuck the whole fucking shitty world.

    But hey, let’s look on the bright side.  Maybe some of YOU can qualify for this new $1 billion taxpayer-funded “stimulus” program.  Here’s the link:   http://autos.yahoo.com/articles/autos_content_landing_pages/1029/meltdown-101-the-cash-for-clunkers-program/ .  I’ll gladly subsidize you so that you can get a new fuel-efficient vehicle.  What are friends for?

    Meltdown 101: The Cash for Clunkers Program

    By KEN THOMAS, Associated Press Writer

    WASHINGTON
    – Got an old gas guzzler in the garage? Car shoppers can take advantage
    of new government incentives worth $3,500 to $4,500. Owners can scrap
    their clunker in exchange for a new, more fuel-efficient vehicle, and
    lop off thousands of dollars from the sticker price. Congress approved
    the “Car Allowance Rebate System,” or “CARS,” program last month to
    boost auto sales and attempt to retire some inefficient cars and
    trucks. Here’s a look at the program:

    Q: Which vehicles qualify?

    A: Cars and trucks must be 1984 models or newer to be eligible for a trade-in rebate.

July 24, 2009

  • Neither? Both? What do YOU think? And does your answer correlate with your skin color?

    Slate Magazine
    jurisprudence

    The Depressing Cycle of Racial Accusation

    The arrest of Henry Louis Gates Jr. is about neither racial profiling nor playing the race card.

    By Richard Thompson Ford


    As many of us learned early this week, Henry Louis Gates
    Jr., the eminent Harvard scholar of African-American culture, was
    arrested a week ago outside his own home in Cambridge, Mass. Gates had
    returned home after an overseas trip and found his front door was
    jammed. He forced it open with the help of his driver. One of his
    neighbors saw the men forcing the door and called the police to report
    a burglary. When the police arrived and demanded that Gates come
    outside (or “asked” depending on which account of events you believe),
    Gates refused and a confrontation ensued, which ended in Gates being
    placed under arrest for disorderly conduct.

    Reactions were swift
    and predictable: For liberal civil rights activists, Gates was a victim
    of racial profiling. For law-and-order conservatives, Gates is a
    pampered black elitist who played the race card against a hardworking
    cop who was just trying to do his job (and said
    today that he won’t apologize, as Gates has asked). Neither of these
    reactions offers much insight into Gates’ arrest or how we can prevent
    similar episodes in the future. Instead, both play into the
    all-too-familiar pattern of every racial scandal in recent memory: a
    depressing cycle of racial accusation, denial, and recrimination, in
    which the arguments all have been made many times before, and everyone
    knows which side they’re on before even hearing the facts.

    Last
    night even the president weighed in, saying police acted “stupidly” by
    arresting Gates. Strong words, but Obama in his typically diplomatic
    style was careful to say he couldn’t tell what role race played in the
    incident. The president got it right: There’s no plausible
    justification for the arrest. It was worse than stupid—it was abusive.
    And that raises the suspicion that it was racially motivated. But
    there’s really no evidence that the police officer involved was a
    racist rather than a bully with a badge or a decent cop who made a bad
    call in the heat of the moment.

    Let’s take the charge of racial
    profiling first. Strictly speaking, there was no profiling here: Sgt.
    James Crowley did not assume that professor Gates was a burglar because
    he fit some generic stereotype of a black criminal; he was responding
    to a 911 call. But racial profiling has become a sort of catchall term:
    If the police consider race in any way, it’s profiling. The claim here
    is that once the police arrived, they treated Gates differently than
    they would have treated a white person in the same situation. It’s
    clear that Sgt. Crowley, who arrived at Gates’ home last Thursday,
    treated Gates as a suspect: He demanded that Gates step outside, and
    when Gates said he lived there, the officer demanded identification.

    Was
    this racist? The witness who called 911 said that two black men were
    breaking into the house, so it wasn’t outrageous for Crowley to suspect
    that the black man he saw inside the house had just broken in. If there
    was racial profiling, it began with the neighbor who described the
    burglary suspects in terms of race (or the 911 operator who probably
    prompted her to do so). But that’s a normal part of a suspect
    description: Like sex, height, and weight, race is a convenient way to
    identify a person. Asking police to ignore race in a description of a
    specific suspect takes colorblindness way too far.

    And even
    racial profiling in the sense of using race as a part of a generic
    composite of a typical criminal isn’t necessarily racist. It’s a tragic
    fact that blacks as a group commit a disproportionate number of certain
    types of crime. The trouble is that racial profiling—even if it’s based
    on accurate generalizations—imposes a disproportionate share of the
    costs of law enforcement on innocent blacks, like professor Gates.
    Let’s face it: It’s hard to imagine that police would have presumed
    that a middle-aged white man who walks with a cane was a burglar.

    The
    problem wasn’t that Crowley considered Gates’ race in assessing whether
    he might be a burglar. It’s what Crowley did after learning that Gates
    was the lawful occupant of the house. And this is where the idea that
    Crowley was a cop just trying to do his job and Gates a spoiled black
    Brahmin playing the race card doesn’t wash. The details are contested
    (and of course, the details are everything). According to the police report,
    Sgt. Crowley “asked” Gates to step outside and he refused. The report
    states that after Gates produced his identification, Crowley left and
    that Gates followed Crowley outside to berate him for racism. But Gates says he asked for Crowley’s name and badge number, as is his right under Massachusetts law,
    and Crowley refused to provide them. Then Gates followed the officer
    outside and at some point said (or yelled) “Is this how you treat a
    black man in America”? Everyone agrees that this is when Crowley
    arrested Gates for “disorderly conduct.”

    I know Gates and find
    it very hard to imagine him engaged in “disorderly conduct.” But many
    police officers demand more than orderly conduct; they demand
    submission and deference. Given the difficult and dangerous jobs they
    do, they usually deserve it. But it would be naive to imagine that
    there are no power-hungry bigots wearing the uniform. Anyone,
    particularly a black person, needs only to encounter one such rogue
    officer to find himself in serious jeopardy—at that point a few hours
    in custody is about the best one can hope for. Maybe Gates,
    who is well-acquainted with the history of American racism, raised his
    voice in anger or fear. Maybe he even unfairly berated Crowley. But
    there’s no way that the slight, 58-year-old Harvard scholar, with his
    cane, posed a threat to public order that justified his arrest.

    I
    don’t know whether Crowley arrested Gates because he was angry that an
    uppity black man dared to question him or whether this was just a tense
    misunderstanding that escalated out of control. What’s clear is that
    neither the overused notion of racial profiling nor the trope of a
    black malcontent playing the race card gives us any real purchase on
    this controversy. Gates has said he hopes to use the incident as a
    teaching moment. But if we are really to learn anything from it, we’ll
    have to look deeper. We need to ask why so many police officers of all
    races suspect the worst of racial minorities. (I wonder what the black
    Cambridge police officer pictured in the photo
    along with Gates after his arrest would say about all of this if he
    could speak candidly.) Decades of blatant and pervasive racial
    discrimination, poor urban planning, and failed labor policy have left
    blacks disproportionately jobless and trapped in poor ghettos across
    the United States. Faced with few opportunities and few positive role
    models, a disturbing number of people in those neighborhoods turn to
    gangs and crime for money, protection, and esteem.

    Rather than
    improve those neighborhoods and help the people who live in them join
    the prosperous mainstream, we as a society have given police the dirty
    job of quarantining them. Frankly, we should expect that a
    disproportionate number of power-hungry bigots would find such a
    mandate attractive. And an otherwise decent and fair-minded officer,
    faced with the day-to-day task of controlling society’s most isolated,
    desperate, and angry population, might develop some ugly racial
    generalizations and carry them even to plush and leafy neighborhoods
    such as those surrounding Harvard Yard. Yet when the inevitable racial
    scandal surfaces we, like Capt. Renault in Casablanca, are shocked, shocked to find racial bias in law enforcement and quick to blame individual police officers, rather than ourselves.

    The
    baseless arrest of one of the nation’s most esteemed scholars is wrong
    and unfortunate, whether racism or simple abuse of authority is to
    blame. Professor Gates was publicly humiliated and spent several hours
    confined in a jail cell for, at most, asserting himself against a
    mistaken policeman. He deserves the apology he has asked for and
    apparently won’t receive. But the larger problem of racial disparity in
    law enforcement is not caused by individual misconduct, and it will not
    be solved by apologies extracted under pressure or the threat of
    litigation. It’s a symptom of the way we have chosen to deal with
    poverty and racial isolation in this very wealthy and supposedly
    egalitarian society. And it makes all police scapegoats for the failed
    and callous social policies that we have all chosen or acquiesced to.

    Richard Thompson Ford teaches at Stanford Law School and is author of The Race Card: How Bluffing About Bias Makes Race Relations Worse, now available in paperback.

    Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2223472/


June 20, 2009

  • Just don’t shoot the messenger….

    As Bob Dylan sang, you don’t have to be a weatherman to tell which way the wind is blowing…

    Published on Monday, June 15, 2009 by TruthDig.com

May 1, 2009

  • Time Magazine Gets Radical!

    Hard to imagine that Time Magazine would actually publish something written by Michael Moore, but here you are.  You heard it first here.

    Oh, yeah.  I had a birthday a couple days ago, too.

    “Bernie Madoff, Scapegoat” by Michael Moore (for Time magazine)

    The following piece written by Michael Moore appears in this week’s Time magazine (and in full at Time.com) as part of their annual “Time 100″ issue highlighting their choices for “The World’s Most Influential People.”

    Elie Wiesel called him a “God.” His investors called him a “genius.”
    But, proving correct that old adage from the country and western song,
    you never really know what goes on behind closed doors.

    Bernie Madoff, for at least 20 years, ran a Ponzi scheme on
    thousands of clients, among them the people you and I would consider
    the best and brightest. Business leaders, celebrities, charities, even
    some of his own relatives and his defense attorney were taken for a
    ride (this has to be the first time a lawyer was hosed by the client).

    We’re clearly in one of those historic, game changing years: up is
    down, red is blue and black is President. Aside from Obama himself, no
    person will provide a more iconic face of this
    end-of-capitalism-as-we-know-it year than Bernard Lawrence Madoff.

    Which is too bad. Yes, he stole $65 billion from some already quite
    wealthy people. I know that’s upsetting to them because rich guys like
    Bernie are not supposed to be stealing from their own kind. Crime,
    thievery, looting — that’s what happens on the other side of town. The
    rules of the money game on Park Avenue and Wall Street are comprised of
    things like charging the public 29% credit card interest, tricking
    people into taking out a second mortgage they can’t afford, and
    concocting a student loan system that has graduates in hock for the
    next 20 years. Now that’s smart business! And it’s legal. That’s where
    Bernie went wrong — his scheming, his trickery was an outrage both
    because it was illegal and because he preyed on his side of the tracks.

    Had Mr. Madoff just followed the example of his fellow top
    one-percenters, there were many ways he could have legally multiplied
    his wealth many times over. Here’s how it’s done. First, threaten your
    workers that you’ll move their jobs offshore if they don’t agree to
    reduce their pay and benefits. Then move those jobs offshore. Then
    place that income on the shores of the Cayman Islands and pay no taxes.
    Don’t put the money back into your company. Put it into your pocket and
    the pockets of your shareholders. There! Done! Legal!

    But Bernie wanted to play X-games Capitalism, run by the mantra
    that’s at the core of all capitalistic endeavors: Enough Is Never
    Enough. You have the right to make as much as you can, and if people
    are too stupid to read the fine print of their health insurance policy
    or their GM “100,000-mile warranty,” well, tough luck, losers. Buyers
    beware!

    It would be too easy — and the wrong lesson learned — to put Bernie
    on TIME’s list all by himself. If Ponzi schemes are such a bad thing,
    then why have we allowed all of our top banks to deal in credit default
    swaps and other make-believe rackets? Why did we allow those same banks
    to create the scam of a sub-prime mortgage? And instead of putting the
    people responsible in the cell block in Lower Manhattan, where Bernie
    now resides, why did we give them huge sums of our hard-earned tax
    dollars to bail them out of their self-inflicted troubles? Bernard
    Madoff is nothing more than the scab on the wound. He’s also a
    most-needed and convenient distraction. Where’s the photo on this list
    of the ex-chairmen of AIG, Merrill Lynch and Citigroup? Where’s the mug
    shot of Phil Gramm, the senator who wrote the bill to strip the system
    of its regulations, or of the President who signed that bill? And how
    ’bout those who ran the fake numbers at the ratings agencies, the
    lobbyists who succeeded in making sleazy accounting a lawful practice,
    or the stock market itself — an institution that’s treated like the
    Holy Sepulchre instead of the casino that it is (and, like all other
    casinos, the house eventually wins).

    And what of Madoff’s clients themselves? What did they think was
    going on to guarantee them incredible returns on their investments
    every single year — when no one else on planet Earth was getting
    anything like that? Some have admitted they did have an inkling
    “something was up,” but no one really wanted to ask what it was that
    was making their money grow on trees. They were afraid they might find
    out it had nothing to do with gardening. Many of Madoff’s victims have
    told investigators that, over the years, they have made much more than
    the original investment they gave Bernie. If I buy a stolen car from
    the guy down the street, the police will take that car from me
    regardless of whether I knew it was stolen. If I knew it was stolen,
    then I go to jail for receiving stolen property. Will these “victims”
    give back their gains that were fraudulently obtained? Will the head of
    Goldman Sachs reveal what he was doing at the meetings with the Fed
    chairman and the Treasury secretary before the bailout? Will Bank of
    America please tell us what they’ve spent $45 billion of our TARP money
    on?

    That’s probably going too far. Better that we just put Bernie on this list.


    Moore’s new documentary on the wonders of capitalism will be in movie theaters this fall.

March 30, 2009

  • Long Time No See

    I see that I haven’t posted in a month.  My mother’s death, and the associated psychological detritus, may have had something to do with it.  I may write a post about my mother one of these days, though I’m not at all certain that it matters in the least.  We all write about our own lives as though they were actually important to someone else besides ourselves.

    Meanwhile, in any case, there’s this, below.  I like this.  The final four or five paragraphs are especially piquant.

    Washington Monthly


    March 28, 2009
    By: dday

    SPANISH COURT OPENS TORTURE INQUIRY AGAINST GONZALES, ADDINGTON, YOO, OTHERS…. Just off the press from the New York Times:

    A high-level Spanish
    court has taken the first steps toward opening a criminal investigation
    against six former Bush administration officials, including former
    Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales, on whether they violated
    international law by providing a legalistic framework to justify the
    use of torture of American prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, an
    official close to the case said.

    The case was sent to the
    prosecutor’s office for review by Baltasar Garzon, the crusading
    investigative judge who indicted the former Chilean dictator Augusto
    Pinochet. The official said that it was “highly probable” that the case
    would go forward and could lead to arrest warrants.

    I would call this a big
    deal. As the report notes, Garzon indicted Augusto Pinochet, which led
    to his arrest and extradition. This would not immediately lead to
    arrest and trial, but it would certainly confine the six officials to
    the United States and increase the pressure for stateside
    investigations. Spanish courts have “universal jurisdiction” over human
    rights abuses, under a 1985 law, particularly if they can be linked to
    Spain.

    In the case against the
    former Bush administration officials, last week Judge Garzon linked it
    to an earlier case in which he indicted five former Guantanamo Bay
    prisoners who were citizens or residents of Spain. The Spanish Supreme
    Court had overturned a conviction of one of them, saying that
    Guantanamo was “a legal limbo” and no evidence obtained under torture
    could be valid in any of the country’s courts.

    The complaint was filed
    by a Spanish human rights group, the Association for the Dignity of
    Prisoners, to the National Court, which assigned the case to Judge
    Garzon. After the complaint is reviewed by the prosecutor, a criminal
    investigation would be likely to begin, the official said. If the case
    proceeds, arrest warrants could still be months away.

    The 98-page complaint, a
    copy of which was obtained by The New York Times, was prepared by
    Spanish lawyers who have also relied on legal experts in the United
    States and Europe. It bases its case on the 1984 Convention Against
    Torture, which is binding on 145 countries including the United States.

    The six officials in the inquiry are:
    - former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales
    - John Yoo, the Justice Department attorney who authored the infamous “torture memo”
    - Jay Bybee, Yoo’s superior at the Office of Legal Counsel, also involved in the creation of torture memos
    - David Addington, Dick Cheney’s chief of staff and legal adviser
    - Douglas Feith, the former undersecretary of defense for policy
    - William Haynes, the legal counsel at the DoD

    The amount of material
    connecting these six to the creation, authorization and direction of
    state-sanctioned illegal torture, based on perverse and discredited
    reasoning, is voluminous, and given the record of Garzon, I would
    imagine this will lead to arrest warrants.

    This story shows once
    again the growing global unease with the implicit policy of the United
    States to conveniently forget the torture and other abuses of the Bush
    regime. In England,
    police are investigating
    whether British intelligence officers knew about and prolonged the
    torture of Binyam Mohamed, the recently released Guantanamo detainee.
    As
    Glenn Greenwald notes, other countries have not abandoned
    their commitment to the rule of law.
    As The Guardian reported,
    the British Government was, in essence, forced into the criminal
    investigation once government lawyers “referred evidence of possible
    criminal conduct by MI5 officers to home secretary Jacqui Smith, and
    she passed it on to the attorney general.” In a country that lives
    under what is called the “rule of law,” credible evidence of serious
    criminality makes such an investigation, as The Guardian put it,
    “inevitable.” British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has clearly tried
    desperately to avoid any such investigation, yet
    as The Washington Post reported this morning,
    even he was forced to say in response: “I have always made clear that
    when serious allegations are made they have got to be investigated.”

    Wouldn’t it be nice if
    our government leaders could make a similar, extremely uncontroversial
    statement — credible allegations of lawbreaking by our highest
    political leaders must be investigated and, if warranted, prosecuted?
    In a country with a minimally healthy political culture, that ought to
    be about as uncontroversial as it gets. Instead, what we have are
    political leaders and media stars virtually across the board spouting
    lawless Orwellian phrases
    about being “more interested in looking forward than in looking backwards” and not wanting to “criminalize public service.” These apologist maneuvers continue despite the fact that, as even conservative Washington Post columnist Anne Applebaum recently acknowledged in light of newly disclosed detailed ICRC Reports, “that crimes were committed is no longer in doubt.”

    The end of the NY Times
    article shows why the US can hardly claim that Spain is acting
    irresponsibly beyond its own borders and violating the sovereignty of
    other nations, because in one recent case we did almost exactly the
    same thing.

    The United States for
    the first time this year used a law that allows for the prosecution in
    the United States of torture in other countries. On Jan. 10, a Miami
    court sentenced Charles Taylor, the former Liberian leader, to 97 years
    in a federal prison for torture, even though the crimes were committed
    in Liberia.

    Last October, when the
    Miami court handed down the conviction, Attorney General Michael B.
    Mukasey applauded the ruling and said: “This is the first case in the
    United States to charge an individual with criminal torture. I hope
    this case will serve as a model to future prosecutions of this type.”

    So do I.

February 24, 2009

  • Rich Get Poorer, Poor Disappear

    This from the Huffington Post.  As usual, Barbara Ehrenreich is right on. 

    Barbara Ehrenreich: Rich Get Poorer, Poor Disappear

    Rich Get Poorer, Poor Disappear

    Ever
    on the lookout for the bright side of hard times, I am tempted to
    delete “class inequality” from my worry list. Less than a year ago, it
    was the one of the biggest economic threats on the horizon, with even
    hard line conservative pundits grousing that wealth was flowing uphill
    at an alarming rate, leaving the middle class stuck with stagnating
    incomes while the new super-rich ascended to the heavens in their
    personal jets. Then the whole top-heavy structure of American
    capitalism began to totter, and — poof! — inequality all but vanished
    from the public discourse. A financial columnist in the Chicago Sun Times
    has just announced that the recession is a “great leveler,” serving to
    “democratize[d] the agony,” as we all tumble into “the Nouveau Poor…” 

    The media have been pelting us with heart-wrenching stories about
    the neo-suffering of the Nouveau Poor, or at least the Formerly
    Super-rich among them: Foreclosures in Greenwich CT! A collapsing
    market for cosmetic surgery! Sales of Gulfstream jets declining! Niemen
    Marcus and Saks Fifth Avenue on the ropes! We read of desperate
    measures, like having to cut back the personal trainer to two hours a
    week. Parties have been canceled; dinner guests have been offered,
    gasp, baked potatoes and chili. The New York Times relates
    the story of a New Jersey teenager whose parents were forced to cut her
    $100 a week allowance and private Pilates classes. In one of the most
    pathetic tales of all, New Yorker Alexandra Penney relates how she lost
    her life savings to Bernie Madoff and is now faced with having to lay
    off her three-day- a-week maid, Yolanda. “I wear a classic clean white
    shirt every day of the week. I have about 40 white shirts. They make me
    feel fresh and ready to face whatever battles I may be fighting …”
    she wrote, but without Yolanda, “How am I going to iron those shirts so
    I can still feel like a poor civilized person?”

    But hard times are no more likely to abolish class inequality than
    Obama’s inauguration is likely to eradicate racism. No one actually
    knows yet whether inequality has increased or decreased during the last
    year of recession, but the historical precedents are not promising. The
    economists I’ve talked to — like Biden’s top economic advisor, Jared
    Bernstein — insist that recessions are particularly unkind to the poor
    and the middle class. Canadian economist Armine Yalnizyan says, “Income
    polarization always gets worse during recessions.” It makes sense. If
    the stock market has shrunk your assets of $500 million to a mere $250
    million, you may have to pass on a third or fourth vacation home. But
    if you’ve just lost an $8 an hour job, you’re looking at no home at all.

    Alright, I’m a journalist and I understand how the media work. When
    a millionaire cuts back on his crème fraiche and caviar consumption,
    you have a touching human interest story. But pitch a story about a
    laid-off roofer who loses his trailer home and you’re likely to get a
    big editorial yawn. “Poor Get Poorer” is just not an eye-grabbing
    headline, even when the evidence is overwhelming. Food stamp
    applications, for example, are rising toward a historic record; calls
    to one DC-area hunger hotline have jumped 248 percent in the last six
    months, most of them from people who have never needed food aid before.
    And for the first time since 1996, there’s been a marked upswing in the
    number of people seeking cash assistance from TANF (Temporary Aid to
    Needy Families), the exsanguinated version of welfare left by welfare
    “reform.” Too bad for them that TANF is essentially a wage-supplement
    program based on the assumption that the poor would always be able to
    find jobs, and that it pays, at most, less than half the federal
    poverty level.

    Why do the sufferings of the poor and the downwardly-mobile class
    matter more than the tiny deprivations of the rich? Leaving aside all
    the soft-hearted socialist, Christian-type, arguments, it’s because
    poverty and the squeeze on the middle class are a big part of what got
    us into this mess in the first place. Only one thing kept the sub-rich
    spending in the 00s, and hence kept the economy going, and that was
    debt: credit card debt, home equity loans, car loans, college loans and
    of course the now famously “toxic” subprime mortgages, which were
    bundled and sliced into “securities” and marketed to the rich as
    high-interest investments throughout the world. The gross inequality of
    American society wasn’t just unfair or aesthetically displeasing; it
    created a perilously unstable situation.

    Which is why any serious government attempt to get the economy going
    again — and I leave aside the unserious attempts like bank bailouts
    and other corporate welfare projects — has to start at the bottom.
    Obama is promising to generate three million new jobs in “shovel ready”
    projects, and let’s hope they’re not all jobs for young men with strong
    backs. Until those jobs kick in, and in case they leave out the
    elderly, the single moms and the downsized desk-workers, we’re going to
    need an economic policy centered on the poor: more money for food
    stamps, for Medicaid, unemployment insurance, and, yes, cash assistance
    along the lines of what welfare once was, so that when people come
    tumbling down they don’t end up six feet under. For those who think
    “welfare” sounds too radical, we could just call it a “right to life”
    program, only one in which the objects of concern have already been
    born.

    If that sounds politically unfeasible, consider this: When Clinton
    was cutting welfare and food stamps in the 90s, the poor were still an
    easily marginalized group, subjected to the nastiest sorts of racial
    and gender stereotyping. They were lazy, promiscuous, addicted,
    deadbeats, as whole choruses of conservative experts announced. Thanks
    to the recession, however — and I knew there had to be a bright side
    – the ranks of the poor are swelling every day with failed business
    owners, office workers, salespeople, and long-time homeowners.
    Stereotype that! As the poor and the formerly middle class Nouveau Poor
    become the American majority, they will finally have the clout to get
    their needs met.

February 12, 2009

January 27, 2009

  • On a Lighter and Less Political Note…

    This is definitely one of the strangest personals ads I’ve ever seen.  I found it on craigslist under “Women Seeking Men”, and it’s entitled “Undead War – 21″.

    Hi! I’m a senior at the University of ********. If only that were as exciting as
    it got. Let me tell you a bit about my life. I am one of the last surviving
    members of a team of vampire hunting Asian women dedicated to the cause of
    righting the wrongs caused by undead creatures.

    It’s important you
    listen, you single white male and/or single Asian male. I need a new lookout. It
    used to be girls only, but now this shit is real and we need someone tall enough
    to actually see over tall objects. If you’re not at least 5’10″, don’t waste my
    time. You won’t be able to see shit and we might as well get more short girl
    lookouts. It’s also pretty important that you be slender as a lookout is very
    likely to need to hide behind random objects now and then. Look, sometimes the
    job’s not pretty. Other times, your responsibilities will include looking nice
    at social gatherings with our targets. You’ll need to be able to keep up with
    appearances while you aid in our mission. Wit, charm and the ability to be quick
    on the toes as things change will go a long way here.

    Remember: This is
    no game. We’re here to fight vampires. After a long day of murdering
    blood-sucking undead creatures, I probably just want a shower, not a hug.
    Nothing personal, but some days it takes hours to get that gunk out from under
    my nails and I don’t want to get it on you, especially if you just did a
    fantastic job. Don’t rub it in when you save my ass from Cerberus, okay?

    Your assistance will be greatly appreciated. If you’re interested in
    helping in the battle against the undead terrors of the night, you should
    definitely write to join the fight.

January 25, 2009

  • A Global Perspective Worth Sharing


    Published on Friday, January 23, 2009 by
    The Independent/UK

    Is the US About to Treat the Rest of the World Better? Maybe…
    American foreign policy is subject to structural pressure that has not dissolved
    by Johann Hari

    The
    tears are finally drying – the tears of the Bush years, and the tears
    of awe at the sight of a black President of the United States. So what
    now? The cliché of the day is that Barack Obama will inevitably
    disappoint the hopes of a watching world, but the truth is more subtle
    than that. If we want to see how Obama will affect us all – for good or
    bad – we need to trace the deep structural factors that underlie United
    States foreign policy. A useful case study of these pressures is about
    to flicker on to our news pages for a moment – from the top of the
    world.
    Bolivia
    is the poorest country in Latin America, and its lofty slums 13,000
    feet above sea level seem a world away from the high theatre of the
    inauguration. But if we look at this country closely, we can explain
    one of the great paradoxes of the United States – that it has incubated
    a triumphant civil rights movement at home, yet thwarted civil rights
    movements abroad. Bolivia shows us in stark detail the contradictions
    facing a black President of the American empire.
    The
    President of Bolivia, Evo Morales, has a story strikingly similar to
    Obama’s. In 2006, he became the first indigenous president of his
    country – and a symbol of the potential of democracy. When the Spanish
    arrived in Bolivia in the 16th century, they enslaved the indigenous
    people and worked millions to death. As recently as the 1950s, an
    indigenous person wasn’t even allowed to walk through the centre of La
    Paz, where the presidential palace and city cathedral stand. They were
    (and are) routinely compared to monkeys and apes.
    Morales
    was born to a poor potato-farmer in the mountains, and grew up
    scavenging for discarded orange peel or banana skins to eat. Of his
    seven siblings, four died in infancy. Throughout his adult life, it was
    taken for granted that the country would be ruled by the white
    minority; the “Indians” were too “child-like” to manage a country.
    Given
    that the US is constitutionally a democracy and its presidents say they
    are committed to spreading democracy across the world, you would expect
    them to welcome the democratic rise of Morales. But wait. Bolivia has
    massive reserves of natural gas – a geo-strategic asset, and one that
    rakes in billions for American corporations. Here is where the
    complications set in.
    Before
    Morales, the white elite was happy to allow American companies to
    simply take the gas and leave the Bolivian people with short change:
    just 18 per cent of the royalties. Indeed, they handed almost the
    entire country to US interests, while skimming a small percentage for
    themselves. In 1999, an American company, Bechtel, was handed the water
    supply – and water rates for the poor majority doubled.
    Morales
    ran for election against this agenda. He said that Bolivia’s resources
    should be used for the benefit of millions of bitterly poor Bolivians,
    not a tiny number of super-rich Americans. He kept his promise. Now
    Bolivia keeps 82 per cent of the vast gas royalties – and he has used
    the money to increase health spending by 300 per cent, and to build the
    country’s first pension system. He is one of the most popular leaders
    in the democratic world. I have seen this pink tide rising through the
    barrios and favelas across South America. Millions of people are seeing
    doctors and schools for the first time in their lives.
    I
    suspect that a majority of the American people – who are good and
    decent – would be pleased and support this process if they were told
    about it honestly. But how did the US government (and much of the
    media) react? George Bush fulminated that “democracy is being eroded in
    Bolivia”, and a recent US ambassador to the country compared Morales to
    Osama bin Laden. Why? To them, you are a democrat if you give your
    resources to US corporations, and you are a dictator if you give them
    to your own people. The will of the Bolivian people is irrelevant.
    For
    these reasons, the US has been moving to trash Morales. By an odd quirk
    of fate, almost all of Bolivia’s gas supplies are in the east of the
    country – where the richest, whitest part of the population lives. So
    the US government has been funding and fuelling the hard-right
    separatist movements that want these regions to break away. Then the
    whites would happily hand the gas to US companies like in the good ol’
    days – and Morales would be left without resources. The interference
    became so severe that last September Morales had to expel the US
    ambassador for “conspiring against democracy”. This weekend, Morales is
    holding a referendum on a new constitution for the country which will
    entrench the rights of indigenous people.
    Enter
    Obama – and his paradoxes. He is obviously a person of good will and
    good sense, but he is operating in a system subject to many
    undemocratic pressures. Bolivia illustrates the tension. The rise of
    Morales reminds us of the America the world loves: its yes-we-can
    openness and civil rights movements. Yet the presence of gas reminds us
    of the America the world hates: the desire to establish “full spectrum
    dominance” over the world’s resources, whatever the pesky natives think.
    Which
    America will Obama embody? The answer is both – at first. Morales has
    welcomed him as “a brother”, and Obama has made it clear he wants a
    dialogue, rather than the abuse of the Bush years. Yet who is Obama’s
    Bolivia adviser? A lawyer called Greg Craig, who represents Gonzalo
    Sánchez de Lozada – the hard-right former president of Bolivia who
    imposed some of the most extreme privatisations of the 1980s, and is
    now wanted on charges of genocide. Craig’s legal team says Morales is
    (yes) leading “an offensive against democracy”.
    The
    structural pressures within the US system that drove hostility to a
    democratic civil rights leader like Morales have not dissolved in the
    cold Washington air. The US is still dependent on foreign fossil fuels
    to keep its lights on, and US corporations still buy senators from both
    parties. Obama will still be swayed by those factors.
    But
    while this is a reason to be frustrated, it isn’t a reason to be
    cynical. Why? Because while he will be swayed by those factors, he will
    also subtly erode them over time. Obama has made energy independence –
    a massive transition away from foreign oil and gas, and towards the
    wind, sun and waves – the centre of his governing programme. If the US
    is no longer addicted to Bolivian gas, then its governments will be
    much less inclined to topple anybody else who wants to control it. (If
    they’re off oil, they’ll be much less invested in the Saudi tyranny and
    petro-wars in the Middle East too.)
    Obama
    also says he wants to peel back the distorting effect of corporate
    money on the US political system. He is already less slathered in
    corporate cash than any president since the 1920s. The further he
    pushes it back, the more breathing space democratic movements like
    Morales’s have to control their own resources.
    But
    we will see. If you want to know if Obama is really altering the
    tectonic forces that drive American power, keep an eye on the rooftop
    of the world.
    –Johann Hari